中文世界三个版本的“西藏故事”

10月9日,《纽约时报》刊发了一篇“受教育的中国知识分子对藏人自焚保持沉默”,对中国知识分子多有批评。文章说,“中国知识分子和网上的自由派评论家对自焚事件充耳不闻一言不发,这越来越令藏人感到困惑不解;这一群体常常冒险冲破中国极权当局的束缚,积极为社会不公正发声”,“很多藏人问他们自己,为什么他们的汉族同胞对藏人的苦难无动于衷——最少,他们也无意探寻为什么这么多人采用这种恐怖的抗议方式。”

我看了该文以后感触颇多。至少就我个人而言,不应该属于这篇文章批评的对象。早在今年2月,我就在推特上表示过:以自焚这种方式表示抗议太过于悲惨,而且通过这种方式对中国政府施压,不会有太大的作用。如果藏人是想通过自焚这种特殊的抗争引起国际社会关注,从策略上讲,今年不是个好时机。因为美国面临总统大选,欧盟面临经济危机;加之美国还面临伊朗、叙利亚、南海争端等各种麻烦,西藏事务的急迫性不如这些国际事务。因此我建议有与国内藏人联系管道的人士(推特上有好几位),请告知国内藏胞,至少等国际形势好转时再考虑发动抗争。

结果出于我意料之外。这番短短的发言引起至少十来个人的批评,个别爱找岔的人态度还很恶劣。回复我的几十条推文的主要观点是:认为藏人自焚是为了引起国际社会注意,是根本不了解西藏宗教的人才会说得出的功利之语;藏人自焚是出于纯粹的殉道精神,并非为了吸引国际社会的关注,他们根本不会从这么功利的角度考虑问题。我当时听了实在纳罕,因为就我有限的西藏知识而言,似乎没听说过这种殉教精神。但因为批评者从名字上看有汉藏两族,还有人本身就是僧侣,大都以深懂西藏宗教精神的身份在说话。鉴于支持藏人的海外汉人“藏粉”圈已经吵得昏天黑地,我不想卷入这种口舌之争,主动挂了免战牌。

在这番争论之后不久的3月,唯色与王力雄伉俪征集签名,呼吁藏人停止自焚,我立刻在上面签了名。此后推上常有人批评中国政府冷血,并抱怨国际社会冷漠,关注不够。但我再也不想参与这种讨论。因为我参加过几次汉藏交流会,很清楚地感受到,汉人异议者要么不关心这问题,假如成了关注者,那种小心翼翼之态让我看了无法承受。这一习惯如何形成,我并不清楚。我猜想推上那些推友对我的建议作功利化理解,就是这种小心翼翼对待西藏一切事务的结果。

10月23日达赖喇嘛呼吁西藏人停止自焚,我总算松了口气,心想唯色那封签名信的声音无法穿透铁幕,达赖喇嘛的声音应该有办法到达藏区,或许能阻止这种惨绝人寰的事情再发生。

汉人“藏粉”圈这种小心翼翼的态度,如果是因为担心别人对西藏问题不了解,我认为大可不必。以我自己的经历而言,自从读过十世班禅的《七万言书》与王力雄的《天葬——西藏的命运》之后,我找过不少相关书籍来读。据我对国内出版情况的大致了解,从上世纪90年代开始,中国人当中愿意了解西藏的人,就会发现自己其实面临三个版本的“西藏故事”。

第一个版本是北京的“政治西藏”版本,其主诉是:中共“解放”了落后的封建农奴制西藏,让百万农奴翻身当家做主人。达赖喇嘛过去是“落后的封建农奴制、政教合一的大奴隶主”,现在是“分裂势力”的代表。这方面的代表作是《西藏历史问题研究》,非常有针对性地集中论述历史上中央政权与西藏地方关系,强调西藏自古以来是中国领土的一部分;西藏认同中国大一统基础在唐时已初步奠定。

——由于北京拥有教育与宣传领域的绝对优势,这个版本的“西藏故事”居于主流地位。

第二个版本是由报告文学与游记等构建的“文化西藏”。这些作品在上世纪90年代以后陆续问世。最初这些书中的西藏被剥离了一切政治因素,雪山、经幡、玛尼堆、藏人的好客以及对藏地风俗(包含在90年代曾被禁止书写的一妻多夫婚俗)与神秘的宗教构成西藏文化的主要元素。余纯顺的书描写作者在世界第三极探险的经历,对驴友非常有吸引力。

这类书籍当中有一本《西藏与西藏人》非常出色,其英文原本对西方世界影响甚大,作者是20世纪40年代后期曾任国民政府蒙藏委员会驻藏办事处处长的沈宗濂与藏学家柳升祺。沈宗濂先生在西藏期间,研读了大量文献,进出于佛殿、寺庙、府邸、里巷,接触了西藏各阶层人士,随时记下所见所闻所思。无论从了解西藏历史、藏传佛教,还是社会风俗的角度来看,都是本值得一看的佳作。

第三个版本是一些同情藏人的汉人知识分子构建的“政治西藏”,王力雄的《天葬》是这个领域的扛鼎之作。这本书是当代汉人知识分子首次试图从藏人、藏文化的立场探索北京与西藏的关系之来龙去脉。由于这本书的观念与北京版本相左,至今只能在海外出版。对于只熟悉中共版本的政治西藏、文化西藏的中国人来说,在了解达兰萨拉版本“西藏故事”之前,《天葬》已达到他们能够接受的极限了。力雄的夫人唯色是藏人,因她的特殊身份一直在自觉承担向汉人世界解说西藏苦难的责任。她开设的网站“看不见的西藏”,是一个汉人了解西藏的重要窗口。现居纽约的李江琳女士近年出版了《1959拉萨:达赖喇嘛如何出走》,她在考察了大量文献资料并详加对比之后,以追溯达赖喇嘛为何出走为主线,再现了1950年代那段血与火的西藏历史。

在汉人了解的这三个版本之外,“西藏故事”还有一个“达兰萨拉版本”,由于文字等原因,一般汉人很少了解这个版本。

写了这么多,想说明的是,汉人要了解西藏已经不缺中文书籍。自从2008年奥运火炬传递在世界各地遭受藏人抗议之后,中国知识分子也不缺乏了解的愿望。真正的门槛不仅仅在于中国政府的设限,还有汉人“藏粉”圈的自我设限。

用个通俗点的比喻,在中国,已经有大量的音乐舞蹈表现“文化西藏”,表现形式不一,有“舞神”杨丽萍精心打造的藏族原生态歌舞乐《藏谜》,其中《荷花度母》一节美轮美奂;也有朱哲琴的《阿姐鼓》。估计海外的汉人藏粉看了《荷花度母》不会有什么意见,但对朱哲琴的《阿姐鼓》一定会深恶痛绝。

就西藏问题发言,我不止文中所述这段推特经历。我想,作为一位汉族知识分子,我应该充分尊重藏人的愿望与自主选择,只要能够保住西藏的生态环境,能够保有藏人本族的精英,无论西藏将来是独立还是自治(哪怕这过程是中共政权崩溃后被动发生),他们就有了重建西藏社会的生态资源与人力资源。要我就自焚问题发言,我只能赞同达赖喇嘛与唯色女士的呼吁,但要我鼓励藏人发挥这种殉道精神,已经超出了我的理解能力。

33 comments

  1. 草根 说道:

    实在不知道为什么很多汉人对藏人的苦难无动于衷,想想看,有那么多人爱猫狗到了极致的地步,却对人的遭遇视若无睹……但是我猜名流们抱着所谓“团结一切可以团结的力量”的态度,不愿因为谈及藏人问题而失去一部份无知者的支持,却得不到藏人新粉丝的支持吧?毕竟,藏人在内地上网与汉人沟通的似乎见不到几个啊。

    明显的是,现在越是压制,将来分离的结局就越是明确。八九年之后,我就对一统天下的所谓中国毫无兴趣了。一个国家是否应该存在或者说保持统一,唯一的基础是人民的意愿。

    • 乒乓 说道:

      爱猫狗的非常多的是现实中十分冷漠的人群。何女士的东西一直很中肯,而且很真实,有其他类似作者多推荐吗?看到各派旗手太多。真正前瞻的,符合实际的,不是一厢情愿的,没咋看到。可能有些东西大家心知肚明,又从各方面说政治都不正确,绝大多数读者也无法理解,多说无益吧。不过相信,何女士可能会理解我说的,她目前的这些文中偶有蜻蜓点水提到过。

      太多人喜欢设计制度,不知道这东西求不来,只能靠文明进化而来,人能够做的无非是减少进化中遇到的阻力,让文明有机会进化。很遗憾,以粗陋的历史知识来看,由宋开始,似乎一直是在退化。失去生命力的文明,要么腐烂霉变,要么涅槃。200年后?

  2. 阿亚 说道:

    为什么对朱哲琴的《阿姐鼓》深恶痛绝?

    • Hans 说道:

      歌裡面講小姐姐不見了,妹妹就去尋找她,尋找的途中,遇見一個老人念經,她繼續尋找的時候,天邊傳來了鼓聲,她也明白了這件事……原來姐姐被殺害,人皮被用來
      做成了鼓。

  3. z 说道:

    不才尊敬热爱同情多灾多难的藏族骨肉同胞
    以自焚这种方式表示抗议太过于悲惨,而且通过这种方式对中国政府施压,根本不会有作用
    我也赞同达赖喇嘛与唯色女士的呼吁
    我充分尊重藏人的愿望与自主选择,只要能够保住西藏的生态环境,能够保有藏人本族的精英,无论西藏将来是独立还是自治(哪怕这过程是中共政权崩溃后被动发生),他们就有了重建西藏社会的生态资源与人力资源

  4. zhufengjian 说道:

    《阿姐鼓》非常好听,是HI-FI经典的试音碟,为什么有人不喜欢呢?自焚不是好点子,我期盼藏人同胞珍惜生命,只有活着才有希望,才能继续做有效的抗争。

  5. skywalker 说道:

    大陆战无不胜的城管其实有他们压根不敢碰的特定人群——藏族、维族摆摊的小贩……所以对中共的抨击,无论真真假假,总有不少大陆民众支持,但唯有一处例外——那就是海外再如何声嘶力竭控诉中国实行民族压迫,中共治下的民众都会认为这些人不是被洗脑,就是别有用心。
    拜托,在一个官员为给自己子女高考加分而伙同作弊,将子女的民族成分由汉族改为少数民族的神奇国度,你要民众相信宗教压迫、民族歧视,实在很困难耶。

    http://news.xinhuanet.com/society/2009-06/27/content_11611087.htm重庆官员子女更改民族成分骗取高考加分 调查组表示将严肃处理责任人

    重庆市近日查处31名违规更改户籍,试图获取聚居地少数民族高考招生加分资格的考生。其中,两名考生分别为石柱土家族自治县副县长之女和巫山县委组织部副部长与巫山县招生办公室主任之子。

    • asdf 说道:

      连维族的小偷都不敢抓(当然多数维人是诚实劳动的)。在高校的老师如果给藏、维学生不及格,上级领导就会批示请注意民族团结。某些方面是有超国民待遇的,不过他们指得应该是社会生态和自然生态、以及宗教方面的保护。
      这都是徒劳的,其实中共和汉人没能力改变西藏的社会和自然生态,上千年都没能改变。这是全球化和工业化的结果。谁也躲不过,20年前教科书还说两极是一片净土,必须要保护来着,现在各国已经开始坐地分赃了。当前还有人幻想北美的森林、南美的雨林和非洲的草原能恢复甚至哪怕只是保持其社会生态和自然生态吗?
      再过十年二十年,西藏也会和其它地方一样,变成钢筋混凝土的世界,藏人年轻人能在忙着背4/6级、托福、雅思之余了解一下藏传佛教就万幸了。独立的话4/6级不用考了。

    • Hans 说道:

      認同,因為2008年時的我就是這麼看;2010年時我還是這麼看。今年年初當我看到共黨在西藏寺廟搞「九有」,特別是「領袖像入寺廟」這種蠢事以後,我的看法跟中共的祖師爺列寧對沙俄的看法一樣,那就是現在的中國已經成為「各族人民的監獄」。

  6. skywalker 说道:

    上世纪九十年代初背包去了新疆,淳朴的维族民众给了我无比美好的记忆。
    “七·五”后再去新疆,维族民众淳朴依旧,但汉维之间仇恨已生、提防已起。
    经济发展自然带来人口流动,广东在改革开放之初,本地人与外来务工人员之间敌对亦很严重。但那时海内外讴歌的主旋律是坚决打破毛时代僵化的户籍控制、人民享有迁徙自由的权利。十数年后,享受经济腾飞好处的广东本地人热情欢迎外来人员。
    新疆、西藏作为中国发展的“新广东”,经受的也将是以前广东的经历——如果没有打着“民族、宗教、文化”旗帜、藉此捞取政治好处的各种势力的话。请想一想科索沃,本来数十年和平杂居一处、相互之间不乏通婚的塞族阿族,被几个后有不同势力的野心家一挑,你砍我我砍你杀得相互之间血流成河!这里倒是要“赞”一下向来被人诟病的中共新闻管制,对西藏、新疆骚乱的真实血腥情况实施严格控制,否则公布出来,多少年才洗得清其间的鲜血与仇恨?
    衷心希望海外“公知”们不要再捧达赖、热比娅之流的臭脚了。这是你们做了不少好事却轻易就被国内民众讨厌的主要因素之一。
    不要忘了,“政教分离”亦是美国宪法第一修正案确立的自由基石之一,这样的普世价值难道仅适用于美国,对中国就例外?共产政权再专制,也比沙特阿拉伯的神权统治好。
    还有,既然中共从没有禁止少数民族到汉族聚居区定居,就请不要举着“文化保护”的旗帜反对汉族到少数民族聚居区的迁徙自由。难道你们赞成在中国实行种族隔离吗?
    文化在交流与碰撞中不断变化、发展。世界上哪有千秋万代、永远光荣伟大的文化?藏传佛教、伊斯兰教再有其古老灿烂,也不能将之作为固步自封的理由。正如公知们常说,只有专制与独裁才封闭与排他,才惧怕交流与竞争。
    某个开着私人飞机住着带游泳池豪宅的美国人某天“顿悟”,跑到尼泊尔过苦行生活很容易,但全世界几十年努力着要让非洲儿童们吃饱饭,到现在还没实现。开着空调喝着咖啡玩着电脑嚷着保护藏族文化,赞叹藏民们冰天雪地住着帐篷一年只洗一次澡也要把所有收入捐给寺庙精神世界无比饱满,很容易;要让他们像美国蒙大拿的牧民那样住着别墅、看着200多个频道的直播卫星电视、上着网、开着好几辆卡车轿车同时过着虔诚宗教生活,很难很难。中共能不能做到?我不知道,但至少在往这个方向努力。至于达赖、热比娅,请你告诉我,他们的政治主张和塔利班有什么不同呢?

    • lij 说道:

      说得很好,很透彻。海外公知真是蠢笨如猪,成天不做任何选择地从各方面恶毒攻击中共,不惜违背其鼓吹的所谓普屎价值。其结果就是让更多中国人认清其小丑的本性。平心而论,公知们的水平比中共差的不只是太远了,真她妈的好笑。对不起,忍不住爆粗口。

    • Hans 说道:

      絕大部分贊同,有兩點相左:新聞管制的話,作為短期行為還勉強可以接受(今天信息發達,管制新聞很可能為謠言提供某種程度的「公信力」,從而製造更大的不穩定性),作為長期行為就等於是欺騙,更不利於團結民眾。另一個就是現在的中國只是法律名義上的「政教分離」,只是不是常見的宗教勢力干預政府運作,而是政府的手伸進了本應是宗教內部事務的範疇。典型的例子有:寺廟行政級別化、強制「地上」天主教會與梵蒂岡脫鉤、以及今年以來在藏區搞的「領袖像入寺廟」。

    • 世人 说道:

      有些披着中国人皮的“精英”在外虏围堵中国的时候还要忽悠同胞敌视自己的政府,最好都去参与推翻政府的活动,好让外强再度占领和掠夺中国,他们之中很多人与博主一样,已经投奔美国作难民或时刻等着上路,根本不承认不理会绝大多数的中国人希望饱经磨难的中国能有长一点更长一点的稳定的生活,好发展民生和科技,使中国不致再沦为弱国的愿望。中国目前确实存在很多问题,但也在逐步解决,比如以前黄河流域水土流失严重,现在经二十封山飞播等保育,就连陕北榆中这样的地方山头都绿了,沙漠也呈人进沙退的态势。
      你看,要说明上述道理得掰开揉碎了说,但是精英和僵尸粉们一句“中国官员腐败透顶”(无聊谩骂就更不用说了)就能把你顶南墙上,中国的任何进步他们都不承认,中国任何问题都能无限放大,这是长达二十多年以“美国民主基金会”为主的美国机构长期在中国布局,务使扰乱上中下层民众民心,进而不费一枪一弹就搞乱中国的战略实施的后果。
      本博大概也是这个战略的一部分。
      所以有理性有知识的中国人很少来这里留言的,因为说理太累,被洗脑的僵尸粉只图个口舌之快,根本没有辩论精神,所以大多数时候都是博主和她的僵尸粉在自娱自乐。
      关于西藏,我也曾多次到西北数省的藏区旅行,大的寺庙也基本去过,僧尼的情况差异性很大,不排除有人追随达赖而不断闹事,但绝大多数还是受控于自身的经济生活,富裕地方的僧尼所受供养比较好,利用寺院条件做生意、享特权的比比皆是。穷困地区的僧尼靠家庭或教区捐助过活,长期处于饥饿边缘。现在政府将广大僧尼纳入社保体系,让他们病有所医,老有所养,受到热烈欢迎。这类对宗教和从教人员的尊重和帮助之举你在本博和她的僵尸粉眼中也不会看到的。
      所以,如何讨论?

  7. tTD 说道:

    西藏问题在国人的的心中确实很迷茫,我相信绝大多数的国人从内心深处来讲是不希望西藏独立的,虽然藏人的许多处境非常令人同情,中共的所作所为令人深恶痛绝!

    • twb 说道:

      虽然藏人的许多处境非常令人同情,中共的所作所为令人深恶痛绝?

      如果说中共所作所为令人深恶痛绝,我非常同意。西藏一年财政收入才五十亿人民币,可西藏一年财政支出加基础建设就五百亿人民币,西藏人口不过也就三百万人,甚至西藏僧侣也靠国家养起,应该算政治敢于宗教。中央政府拨出大量财政资金修善喇嘛庙,可寺庙却成达赖遥控藏族的组织网络,真够嘲讽的。中国有五十六个民族,对比下中国彝族、苗族和藏族差别,就可以知道藏族在中国一直享受超国民待遇,真是会哭孩子有奶吃。

      另外,在印度控制的藏南地区,当地土著——藏人不但经济上长期处于贫困之中,政治上也备受印度人压迫。印度为了永远强占藏南,长期向藏南大规模移民,是藏族彻底沦为第二个面临没绝的印第安人。而藏南一向号称西藏的江南,自然条件远比西藏绝大部分地区优越,六世达赖就出生于此。达赖为了感谢印度恩情,公开承认藏南为印度所有,公开抛弃自己信徒和子民,可这些被世界遗忘和被自己主(达赖)公开抛弃的藏人,却从不自焚,为什么?谁能回答我

      • 巴图鲁 说道:

        期待博主回复

      • Hans 说道:

        中共在藏區的某些作為確實令人深惡痛絕。我不對那些我沒有親身經歷的發表評論,僅從新華社報導的好消息-「領袖像入寺廟」說起。要是說花錢給那些喇嘛改善生活倒也罷了,把領導人的畫像放進信徒認為神聖的廟堂裡,三歲小孩都明白這是甚麼道理。奇怪的倒是中南海的那幫人,連這個道理都不懂,還自以為得意,難道是有權了就脫離群眾了?達賴不是罵北京當局在西藏搞「文化滅絕」的嗎?僅從這事來看,還真有半點道理。08年奧運前聖火在舊金山傳遞,我很自豪地為聖火保駕護航。現在如果再發生那樣的事情,對不起,雖然我不會站達賴那邊,但我也不會一邊倒地支持北京一邊。

  8. Hans 说道:

    藏人自焚的事情,我的看法是非常失望,不僅僅是對藏人選擇這種極端方式表達訴求的失望,也是對於西藏問題走向的失望。一方面中共方面搞的政策,特別是「領袖像入寺廟」,相當反感。另一方面,達蘭德拉那種「歷史修正主義」態度,且其自身政教合一、專制主義色彩濃厚,國際上更是搞有奶就是娘(比如達賴近期關於釣魚島的言論),令人很不放心。要做到保護藏區環境、扶持藏族知識份子,更重要的是締造和平,我看只有期待並且努力使西藏維持在中國的疆土內實現高度自治,並使中國走向民主化。我為甚麼要強調前者,一個是不想讓政教合一政權有復辟的可能,一定程度上保證在藏各族享有應有的人權。另一個是不想讓西藏成為另一個波斯尼亞或者另一個車臣,甚至因此引發中國跟印度間的戰爭。

  9. 乒乓 说道:

    回复的各位还是没有摆脱我们和他们的视角,普世,对大家无非是个看似时髦漂亮对己有力的图腾罢了。还是要先改造盐碱地,才能适合耕种。

  10. abc 说道:

    Dear Skywalker:
    请你具体地, 详细地,确实无误地说明达赖的政治主张, 谢谢.

  11. 青海 说道:

    我的政治主张:
    1. 西藏人有权自决
    2. 安多和康的藏区西藏人从历史上和现实上都没有任何控制,事实上已经早已并入青海,四川,云南。freetibet的说什么完整西藏不可接受。藏人要自觉放弃在青海,四川藏区的闹市,回到你们自己家去
    3. 如果西藏在发生如1932年在英国支持下入侵青海的事情,不要怪送你们全部去转世。

  12. skywalker 说道:

    回到abc并请abc回答(后附达赖“和平主张”原文)
    ○1达赖称自己是“藏人领袖兼忠于一个基于爱与同情宗教原则的佛教和尚”,那么请abc告诉我,达赖这句对自己的定位是否表明他自认既是西藏的政治领袖又是精神领袖?那么他的身份是类同霍梅尼还是本笃教宗?
    ○2达赖称他出走印度引起中印国家之间的战争。abc请回答我中印战争属于宗教战争呢还是领土战争?
    ○3达赖说1949/50中共入侵西藏这个独立国家。abc请你出示一下西藏是联合国会员国的证据。拿得出来的话再来讨论达赖和尚口口声声、心心念念的国际法。
    ○4让我们看一下达赖和尚五条政治主张中唯一一条拒绝中共给予的条款——所谓到藏区的汉族移民。abc请先告诉我一个比较数据:达赖主政下藏民人口 VS 中共统治下藏民人口(我不列请你列是免得你说中共作假)。而后,我给忧心藏族被中共用“终极手段”消灭的达赖和尚支个招,只要你和中共政府谈判时让他们允许凡是到藏区的汉族移民改说藏语、颁依藏传佛教,你会发现中国自认藏民的人数即刻刷刷上升!不要说高考加分、提干优先诸多好处了,光是小孩,就可以光明正大地生二胎!最后abc请回答,除了邪恶中共统治下的大陆,还有哪个国家的多数民族不惜触犯法律上赶着当少数民族的?这里本人个人吹嘘一下自己“觉悟”(因为没法像达赖那样动不动声称自己代表全体藏民),回应达赖指藏民在中国“最多是二等公民”:我这个汉族的一等公民愿意放弃身份,当“最多是二等的藏民”,可惜法律不准。
    ○5看达赖第一条和平主张及其解释,abc首先请回答我,达赖到底是藏传佛教黄教领袖的身份提出领土主张呢还是以西藏国国家领袖身份提出领土主张呢?其次问一个假设问题,加拿大的魁北克正在闹独立,假如梵蒂冈支持魁北克独立的话,西方各国会作何反应?再进一步,倘使梵蒂冈还声称天主教教皇是独立后魁北克国领袖的话,西方各国会作何反应?
    Transformation of the whole of Tibet into a zone of peace;
    I propose that the whole of Tibet, including the eastern provinces of Kham and Amdo, be transformed into a zone of “Ahimsa”, a Hindi term used to mean a state of peace and non-violence.

    ○6 Earlier in this century, the Manchus were a distinct race with their own culture and traditions. Today only two to three million Manchurians are left in Manchuria, where 75 million Chinese have settled.
    这段标出来,只为博大家一笑。毕竟是个边边角角出来的和尚,水平实在有限。大清朝以少数民族统治多数民族数百年,“大能高僧”达赖居然说满族被汉人终极消灭,你让一生致力于“融汉”的乾隆大帝情何以堪?别忘了,他可是金瓶掣签了你的前世喔!顺便再笑一下,达赖说“金瓶掣签这个满清政府发明的为政治服务的东西也已经过时,就是没办法用了”——既然你的前世是为政治服务下制造出来的东西,那么你如今黄教教宗地位的合法性又在哪里?

    ○7Tibet should not be used for the production of nuclear weapons and the dumping of nuclear waste.中国在西藏制造原子武器和倾倒原子废料?难道高寒缺氧和交通不便有利制造原子武器?冻土适宜于填埋核废料?——哈,我知道电影2012的创意由何而来了。

    http://www.dalailama.com/messages/tibet/five-point-peace-plan
    Five Point Peace Plan
    Address to the U.S. Congressional Human Right’s Caucus
    September 21, 1987

    The world is increasingly interdependent, so that lasting peace – national, regional and global – can only be achieved if we think in terms of broader interest rather than parochial needs. At this time, it is crucial that all of us, the strong and the weak, contribute in our own way. I speak to you today as○1the leader of the Tibetan people and as a Buddhist monk devoted to the principles of a religion based on love and compassion. Above all, I am here as a human being who is destined to share this planet with you and all others as brothers and sisters. As the world grows smaller, we need each other more than in the past. This is true in all parts of the world, including the continent I come from.

    At present in Asia, as elsewhere, tensions are high. There are open conflicts in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and in my own country, Tibet. To a large extent, these problems are symptoms of the underlying tensions that exist among the area’s great powers. In order to resolve regional conflicts, an approach is required that takes into account the interests of all relevant countries and peoples, large and small. Unless comprehensive solutions are formulated that take into account the aspirations of the people most directly concerned, piecemeal or merely expedient measures will only create new problems.

    The Tibetan people are eager to contribute to regional and world peace, and I believe they are in a unique position to do so. Traditionally, Tibetans are a peace loving and non-violent people. Since Buddhism was introduced to Tibet over one thousand years ago, Tibetans have practiced non-violence with respect to all forms of life. This attitude has also been extended to our country’s international relations. Tibet’s highly strategic position in the heart of Asia, separating the continent’s great powers – India, China and the USSR – has throughout history endowed it with an essential role in the maintenance of peace and stability. This is precisely why, in the past, Asia’s empires went to great lengths to keep one another out of Tibet. Tibet’s value as an independent buffer state was integral to the region’s stability.

    When the newly formed People’s Republic of China invaded Tibet in 1949/50, it created a new source of conflict.○2 This was highlighted when, following the Tibetan national uprising against the Chinese and my flight to India in 1959, tensions between China and India escalated into the border war in 1962. Today large numbers of troops are again massed on both sides of the Himalayan border and tension is once more dangerously high.

    The real issue, of course, is not the Indo-Tibetan border demarcation. It is China’s illegal occupation of Tibet, which has given it direct access to the Indian sub-continent. The Chinese authorities have attempted to confuse the issue by claiming that Tibet has always been a part of China. This is untrue. ○3Tibet was a fully independent state when the People’s Liberation Army invaded the country in 1949/50.

    Since Tibetan emperors unified Tibet, over a thousand years ago, our country was able to maintain its independence until the middle of this century. At times Tibet extended its influence over neighbouring countries and peoples and, in other periods, came itself under the influence of powerful foreign rulers – the Mongol Khans, the Gorkhas of Nepal, the Manchu Emperors and the British in India.

    It is, of course, not uncommon for states to be subjected to foreign influence or interference. Although so-called satellite relationships are perhaps the clearest examples of this, most major powers exert influence over less powerful allies or neighbours. As the most authoritative legal studies have shown, in Tibet’s case, the country’s occasional subjection to foreign influence never entailed a loss of independence. And there can be no doubt that when Peking’s communist armies entered Tibet, Tibet was in all respects an independent state.

    China’s aggression, condemned by virtually all nations of the free world, was a flagrant violation of international law. As China’s military occupation of Tibet continues, the world should remember that though Tibetans have lost their freedom, under international law Tibet today is still an independent state under illegal occupation.

    It is not my purpose to enter into a political/legal discussion here concerning Tibet’s status. I just wish to emphasise the obvious and undisputed fact that we Tibetans are a distinct people with our own culture, language, religion and history. But for China’s occupation, Tibet would still, today, fulfill its natural role as a buffer state maintaining and promoting peace in Asia.

    It is my sincere desire, as well as that of the Tibetan people, to restore to Tibet her invaluable role, by converting the entire country – comprising the three provinces of U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo – once more into a place of stability, peace and harmony. In the best of Buddhist tradition, Tibet would extend its services and hospitality to all who further the cause of world peace and the well-being of mankind and the natural environment we share.

    Despite the holocaust inflicted upon our people in the past decades of occupation, I have always strived to find a solution through direct and honest discussions with the Chinese. In 1982, following the change of leadership in China and the establishment of direct contacts with the government in Peking, I sent my representatives to Peking to open talks concerning the future of my country and people.

    We entered the dialogue with the sincere and positive attitude and with the willingness to take into account the legitimate needs of the People’s Republic of China. I hoped that this attitude would be reciprocated and that a solution could eventually be found which would satisfy and safeguard the aspirations and interests of both parties. Unfortunately, China has consistently responded to our efforts in a defensive manner, as though our detailing of Tibet’s very real difficulties was criticism for its own sake.

    To our even greater dismay, the Chinese government misused the opportunity for a genuine dialogue. Instead of addressing the real issues facing the six million Tibetan people, China has attempted to reduce the question of Tibet to a discussion of my own personal status.

    It is against this background and in response to the tremendous support and encouragement I have been given by you and other persons I have met during this trip, that I wish today to clarify the principal issues and to propose, in a spirit of openness and conciliation, a first step towards a lasting solution. I hope this may contribute to a future of friendship and cooperation with all of our neighbours, including the Chinese people.

    This peace plan contains five basic components:
    1. ○5Transformation of the whole of Tibet into a zone of peace;
    2. ○4Abandonment of China’s population transfer policy which threatens the very existence of the Tibetans as a people;
    3. Respect for the Tibetan people’s fundamental human rights and democratic freedoms;
    4. Restoration and protection of Tibet’s natural environment and the abandonment of China’s use of Tibet for the production of nuclear weapons and dumping of nuclear waste;
    5. Commencement of earnest negotiations on the future status of Tibet and of relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.

    Let me explain these five components.

    1. ○5I propose that the whole of Tibet, including the eastern provinces of Kham and Amdo, be transformed into a zone of “Ahimsa”, a Hindi term used to mean a state of peace and non-violence.

    The establishment of such a peace zone would be in keeping with Tibet’s historical role as a peaceful and neutral Buddhist nation and buffer state separating the continent’s great powers. It would also be in keeping with Nepal’s proposal to proclaim Nepal a peace zone and with China’s declared support for such a proclamation. The peace zone proposed by Nepal would have a much greater impact if it were to include Tibet and neighbouring areas.

    The establishment of a peace zone in Tibet would require withdrawal of Chinese troops and military installations from the country, which would enable India also to withdraw troops and military installations from the Himalayan regions bordering Tibet. This would be achieved under an international agreement which would satisfy China’s legitimate security needs and build trust among the Tibetan, Indian, Chinese and other peoples of the region. This is in everyone’s best interest, particularly that of China and India, as it would enhance their security, while reducing the economic burden of maintaining high troop concentrations on the disputed Himalayan border.

    Historically, relations between China and India were never strained. It was only when Chinese armies marched into Tibet, creating for the first time a common border, that tensions arose between these two powers, ultimately leading to the 1962 war. Since then numerous dangerous incidents have continued to occur. A restoration of good relations between the world’s two most populous countries would be greatly facilitated if they were separated – as they were throughout history – by a large and friendly buffer region.

    To improve relations between the Tibetan people and the Chinese, the first requirement is the creation of trust. After the holocaust of the last decades in which over one million Tibetans – one sixth of the population – lost their lives and at least as many lingered in prison camps because of their religious beliefs and love of freedom, only a withdrawal of Chinese troops could start a genuine process of reconcilitation. The vast occupation force in Tibet is a daily reminder to the Tibetans of the oppression and suffering they have all experienced. A troop withdrawal would be an essential signal that in future a meaningful relationship might be established with the Chinese, based on friendship and trust.

    2. ○4The population transfer of Chinese into Tibet, which the government in Peking pursues in order to force a “final solution” to the Tibetan problem by reducing the Tibetan population to an insignificant and disenfranchised minority in Tibet itself, must be stopped.

    The massive transfer of Chinese civilians into Tibet in violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention (1949), threatens the very existence of the Tibetans as a distinct people. In the eastern parts of our country, the Chinese now greatly outnumber Tibetans. In the Amdo province, for example, where I was born, there are, according to the Chinese statistics, 2.5 million Chinese and only 750,000 Tibetans. Even in the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region (i.e., central and western Tibet), Chinese government sources now confirm that Chinese outnumber Tibetans.

    The Chinese population transfer policy is not new. It has been systematically applied to other areas before. ○6Earlier in this century, the Manchus were a distinct race with their own culture and traditions. Today only two to three million Manchurians are left in Manchuria, where 75 million Chinese have settled. In Eastern Turkestan, which the Chinese now call Sinkiang, the Chinese population has grown from 200,000 in 1949 to 7 million, more than half of the total population of 13 million. In the wake of the Chinese colonization of Inner Mongolia, Chinese number 8.5 million, Mongols 2.5 million.

    Today, in the whole of Tibet 7.5 million Chinese settlers have already been sent, outnumbering the Tibetan population of 6 million. In central and western Tibet, now referred to by the Chinese as the “Tibet Autonomous Region”, Chinese sources admit the 1.9 million Tibetans already constitute a minority of the region’s population. These numbers do not take the estimated 300,000-500,000 troops in Tibet into account – 250,000 of them in so-called Tibet Autonomous Region.

    For the Tibetans to survive as a people, it is imperative that the population transfer is stopped and Chinese settlers return to China. Otherwise, Tibetans will soon be no more than a tourist attraction and relic of a noble past.

    3. Fundamental human rights and democratic freedoms must be respected in Tibet. The Tibetan people must once again be free to develop culturally, intellectually, economically and spiritually and to exercise basic democratic freedoms.

    Human rights violations in Tibet are among the most serious in the world. Discrimination is practiced in Tibet under a policy of “apartheid” which the Chinese call “segregation and assimilation”. ○7 Tibetans are, at best, second class citizens in their own country. Deprived of all basic democratic rights and freedoms, they exist under a colonial administration in which all real power is wielded by Chinese officials of the Communist Party and the army.

    Although the Chinese government allows Tibetans to rebuild some Buddhist monasteries and to worship in them, it still forbids serious study and teaching of religion. Only a small number of people, approved by the Communist Party, are permitted to join the monasteries.

    While Tibetans in exile exercise their democratic rights under a constitution promulgated by me in 1963, thousands of our countrymen suffer in prisons and labour camps in Tibet for their religious or political convictions.

    4. Serious efforts must be made to restore the natural environment in Tibet. ○7Tibet should not be used for the production of nuclear weapons and the dumping of nuclear waste.

    Tibetans have a great respect for all forms of life. This inherent feeling is enhanced by the Buddhist faith, which prohibits the harming of all sentient beings, whether human or animal. Prior to the Chinese invasion, Tibet was an unspoiled wilderness sanctuary in a unique natural environment. Sadly, in the past decades the wildlife and the forests of Tibet have been almost totally destroyed by the Chinese. The effects on Tibet’s delicate environment have been devastating. What little is left in Tibet must be protected and efforts must be made to restore the environment to its balanced state.

    China uses Tibet for the production of nuclear weapons and may also have started dumping nuclear waste in Tibet. Not only does China plan to dispose of its own nuclear waste but also that of other countries, who have already agreed to pay Peking to dispose of their toxic materials.

    The dangers this presents are obvious. Not only living generations, but future generations are threatened by China’s lack of concern for Tibet’s unique and delicate environment.

    5. Negotiations on the future status of Tibet and the relationship between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples should be started in earnest.

    We wish to approach this subject in a reasonable and realistic way, in a spirit of frankness and conciliation and with a view to finding a solution that is in the long term interest of all: the Tibetans, the Chinese, and all other peoples concerned. Tibetans and Chinese are distinct peoples, each with their own country, history, culture, language, and way of life. Differences among peoples must be recognized and respected. They need not, however, form obstacles to genuine cooperation where this is in the mutual benefit of both peoples. It is my sincere belief that if the concerned parties were to meet and discuss their future with an open mind and a sincere desire to find a satisfactory and just solution, a breakthrough could be achieved. We must all exert ourselves to be reasonable and wise, and to meet in a spirit of frankness and understanding.

    Let me end on the personal note. I wish to thank you for the concern and support which you and so many of your colleagues and fellow citizens have expressed for the plight of oppressed people everywhere. The fact that you have publicly shown your sympathy for us Tibetans, has already had a positive impact on the lives of our people inside Tibet. I ask for your continued support in this critical time in our country’s history.

    Thank you.

  13. deutschkai 说道:

    世界上最没有资格讲人权的人就是美国人 只有傻逼才会被美国人营造的蓝图给忽悠

  14. blackmail 说道:

    查了阿姐鼓,确实很残忍。

    藏人不是一个崇尚武力的民族,只要你不给他党委书记,就像香港一样,藏人一定能够与汉人和睦相处。

    虽然藏人习俗中有一些很残暴的元素,但这应该是文化发展阶段的问题。换句话说,汉人在蒙昧野蛮时期也有同样的残暴元素,比如有文字记载的活人殉葬。

  15. 南望王师又一年 说道:

    不论将来发生什么
    只希望所有人都能够明白:这一切的罪恶都是中共这个组织干的,请不要把仇恨和罪恶强加到中国或者汉人身上.因为我们都是这个邪恶组织的受害者

  16. blackmail 说道:

    自焚与阿姐鼓一样残忍。共同点是二者均为自愿。

    藏人已经有六十多例自焚事件,汉人为数极少,除非遇到强拆。对于藏人来说,破坏宗教信仰,比强拆更不能容忍。

    一直没有见到博主回复,郁闷。

    • Hans 说道:

      据我所知,做阿姐鼓的祭品,來自欠債農奴,而且一出生就被弄啞(因為喇嘛教認為,會說話的人不純潔)。所以也就有「我的阿姐從小不會說話」的歌詞。也就不可能有自願做祭品的說法。

    • 何清涟 说道:

      你可能错了。阿姐鼓并非自愿。当然,以后不会再有这类鼓了。

      • Hans 说道:

        何老師,您是如何看藏傳佛教中這種聳人聽聞的人骨、人皮法器,以及傳聞中的「雙身法」。是文化進化階段的問題,還是藏傳佛教自身就有的根本性問題?

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